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<blockquote><div></div></blockquote><h3>Second Reason: Camming as Access to New Forms of Sexual Scripts and Masturbatory Aids</h3><div>The camming is considered a gateway to new forms of sexual scripts and supports for masturbation, reflecting a desire for diverse sexual experiences (in addition to other sexual activities). Consumption of came shows is balanced with other forms of support/consumption spaces/social spaces/other forms of sex work (such as making videos, posting photos, selling objects). The camming is viewed as a complementary sexual practice, albeit at a distance, but one that offers certain types of practices, especially through the interaction it allows, such as domination (Newmahr [2010], Chantraine and Lusset [2020]), girlfriend experience (Carbonero and Gómez Garrido, 2018), friendships, etc.</div><div><b>Example 3: Michel</b> enjoys being ‘fleeced’: he is involved in relationships that could be described as sadomasochistic, in which men are often excited by the idea of giving their money to a dominatrix. These types of relationships do not necessarily involve sexual acts or the use of sexual organs. They are forms of psychological domination but provide a lot of pleasure to the ‘domi’ (dominated). Michel earns 1300 euros per month. He is married and in a relationship but has not had sexual relations with his spouse ‘for a while’. Heterosexual, he has been using a cam site for a year. The site allowed him to find a ‘dominatrix’ camgirl with whom he maintains a regular relationship. He spends between 10 minutes and 8 hours per day on the site (depending on his schedule, especially evenings and weekends). He is a viewer and ‘tipper’ (but only for his regular), and he also describes himself as a moral supporter of his ‘regular’. He has spent 1,000 euros in the last two months solely towards his regular (money from an account separate from the joint account).</div><div>The camming is also seen by some as another form of pornographic content, with a desire to have masturbatory aids. Here, we often find viewers who do not pay, and whose interactions with the camgirl are minimal.</div><div><b>Example 4: Nicolas</b>, 39 years old, a territorial communication advisor on a temporary contract for years, earns 2100 euros/month, divorced, one child, and is a single at the time of the interview. Heterosexual [has performed oral sex on a man in the context of a swinger relationship, but only because it excited the girl], he has been using Cam 4 for six years. Initially, he visited the site several times a week. Now, hardly ever. He is only a spectator and has never paid for a show. He prefers shows featuring couples or those ‘who do group shows’. Generally, he refuses to pay for pornographic content, ‘once paid for a porn film, but I do not see the point when it is free’; and has paid for a few months on a dating site, ‘but it did not work out’. However, he is very active on porn and cam fan sites/forums.</div><div>.</div><h3>The Relationship to Class and Entry into Camming</h3><div>The relationship of social class is ambiguous and only partially explains the placement within various categories. The availability of money for this type of activity is not the central issue; rather, before considering how much money can be allocated, the question arises of awareness of this type of activity. Indeed, sex camming is an innovation and not necessarily known to everyone. This is one of the reasons why these sites engage in massive advertising campaigns, including on more traditional pornographic sites as well as streaming sites. Initial contact may thus be related to advertisements or articles discussing the activity on specialized sites or via ads on Facebook, Twitter, or Instagram.</div><div>At this discovery stage, camming may appear as a cultural practice that allows for distinction. Several of the older respondents regret the time when major platforms were not present, and the practice of sexual exhibition was an independent and non-monetised activity [via more alternative systems like MSN, Skype], leading to a nostalgia for the era of free cams-to-cam – this nostalgia is particularly noted among the gay audience.</div><h3>Learning the Codes and First Bifurcation</h3><div>Initially, the stance on the platform is often that of a passive spectator who may not know exactly what they are seeking, except for those already socialised to sexual exhibition on the Internet. After some time on the platform, a choice quickly arises: to pay or not to pay. This choice is especially significant since not paying on a site where one is encouraged to pay is often perceived in interviews as a form of ‘free-riding’. Spectators are aware of not paying and may potentially view themselves as profiteers.</div><h3>To Pay or Not to Pay</h3><div>Two options are available to spectators: to remain a ‘free rider’ or to become what we call a client. The choice made depends partly on income levels but not solely; it is also closely linked to what one wants to achieve through the practice.</div><div>The moment of the first payment is crucial: promotions are often offered to first-time payers, with loyalty systems in which the more tokens – a virtual currency available on these sites – a spectator buys, the less expensive they become. This introduces a form of dependence on the platform [a portion of this money may also not be spent, which is understood and anticipated in the economic model of these platforms]. At this point in the trajectory, the choice not to pay corresponds to two different profiles of spectators: those who see no interest in paying and those who cannot afford it. For those who see no interest in paying, camming will primarily be consumed in the form of access to collective chats, where on platforms like Cam 4, it is possible to participate, but no requests can be made to the camgirl.</div><div>Paying, on the other hand, can signify the beginning of a personalized interaction with the cam girl. Among some high-income respondents, there are spectators who are clearly seeking affection. More than just utilitarian use of the platform, they seek something akin to the ‘girlfriend experience’. These viewers are willing to give money, sometimes a significant portion of their income, to the camgirl. However, in most cases, they have less time to devote to frequenting the platforms. Thus, similar to a ‘girlfriend’ who would wait for them at home in the evening, they expect high availability and flexibility. There are also men with lower incomes who – often unemployed – have time to devote to camming and try to compensate for their smaller monetary investment with time investment.</div><div>During this first bifurcation, the question then arises as to why, more concretely, one would choose to pay. Several reasons are advanced.</div><h3>‘Paying’ For What?</h3><div><b>1. ‘Paying’ to Reward</b> Payment serves as retribution to alleviate the tension between the sexual services provided by the broadcaster and the lack of payment, resulting in a sum of money as a reward and recognition for the camgirl. The payment to the camgirl here is not just about income; it often involves modest sums. This type of payment is potentially practised by single spectators in sexual misery who are pleased to have access to sexual services. They pay to express their gratitude or to begin communication, even minimally.</div><div><b>2. Paying to Consume (= Cash Payment): An Instrumental Exchange</b> One mode of choosing to pay is an instrumental exchange. It is a utilitarian use of the platform by spectators: an exchange of money for a sexual service. Here, two dimensions need to be considered:</div><ul><div> </div><li><b>Budget</b>: This only concerns respondents who can afford to pay.</li><div> </div><li><b>Time</b>: This concerns spectators who cannot devote time to this practice (spends little time on platforms either because they are in a relationship or due to a demanding job schedule). For some respondents, therefore, a search for efficiency is paramount (finding someone, regardless of the price, to satisfy the need). Here, it is about paying to consume what one desire.</li><div> </div></ul><div>Those who cannot necessarily afford to pay might, in some cases, try to compensate for their inability to pay by providing other forms of services (chat moderation; advertising on their Twitter account; graphic design; website development; listening, etc. ) in exchange for sexual services. But is this narrative a way to justify that they are paying while refusing to subscribe to a self-serving economic rationale? Or is it an exchange that transcends the purely commercial dimension? Although it is possible to conceive of the client/camgirl relationship in purely commercial terms, relationships often become personalized over the course of exchanges, contributing to ambiguity in transactions.</div><h3>Investing in Camming</h3><div>Indeed, the act of paying is not self-evident; sexuality and economics are seen as two hostile worlds (Zelizer, 2005). Thus, there is a form of learning about the economic relationship and the role of the consumer which unfolds in various roles the viewer may assume towards the camgirl.</div><h1>Distancing from ‘Self-Interest’</h1><div>After discovering camming, the activity of the viewer evolves towards distancing from the commercial relationship, i.e. choosing payment modalities against sexual services that mitigate the economic aspect of the exchange between the viewer and the camgirl.</div><h1>Denial of the Commercial Relationship: The ‘False’ Gifts</h1><div>This distancing from the commercial relationship initially involves denying the commercial nature of the interaction. This could be described as distancing from anything that embodies ‘self-interest’, meaning cash payments and the idea that the show is purely a sexual service (where the camgirl has an interest in performing to earn money, and the viewer has an interest in paying to receive the sexual services they desire).</div><div>This distancing involves a modification in the payment method. Payments in cash or other financial forms, which establish a clear transaction contract between the two parties, are replaced by payments in the form of ‘gifts’. Viewers contribute, for example, to online funds (integrated or not with the platforms) to buy individual or collective gifts for broadcasters they appreciate. These gifts are often manufactured products related to camming (webcams, sex toys, lingerie, etc.), and less frequently, unrelated items (gaming consoles, books, bottles of wine…). These can also include cash tips given, especially at the end of a show.</div><div>While these are presented as ‘donations’ or ‘gifts’, these material goods are not entirely free. They are, in reality, forms of payment or compensation from viewers who expect something in return, without necessarily asking explicitly. An implicit norm suggests that this type of gift or donation leads to compensation, often in the form of a sexual service.</div><div>There is thus an ambiguity in the exchange: these are gifts that are not truly gifts and services that are not strictly commercial but ultimately result in a material good symbolically presented as a gift rewarded by a sexual service or gifts in return (autographed photos, videos).</div><div>This distancing from the commercial aspect through this choice of payment is closely dependent on the income of the viewers: only viewers with high incomes can accumulate gifts and offer the most expensive ones. However, this can also be seen as a form of cultural distinction among the most educated respondents who, in interviews, distance themselves from the ‘client’ label: offering gifts instead of money distances the economic aspect to stage a disinterested aspect of the practice. The respondents then emphasize the ‘relational’ rather than sexual aspect of watching the show.</div><div><b>Example:</b> Respondent 8, 45 years old, working in a liberal profession in the cultural field with a salary of 3,500 euros per month, from a higher socio-professional category, with a higher education degree (Master’s level), married with a child, spends about 100 to 120 euros per month on the platform. He insists in the interview that he is not just a client. He describes himself as a client in a certain way, but does not want to reduce his practice to its commercial dimension. For him, the relationship and exchange are paramount. For example, he has given books – not about sexuality – to a camgirl as a reward for her ‘generosity’ (she sent him photos and videos).</div><h1>Making ‘Real’ Gifts</h1><div>However, the use of gifts is not always made in expectation of a reward. A viewer may give gifts without expecting anything in return, or at least claim this stance during interviews, entering more clearly into the logic of pure giving. In these cases, the gifts offered are generally unrelated to the world of camming or the sexual services of the camgirl. This is particularly true of respondents who send books to their favourite camgirls because she mentioned an author during a show or to share their own literary tastes.</div><div>It may happen that camgirls give gifts in return, such as photos or lingerie, which reintroduces a sexual dimension to the exchange but keeps it outside of a directly commercial realm.</div><div>The use of ‘real’ gifts marks a stage in the trajectory of viewers that involves the development of a privileged bond with one or two camgirls, signalling a move towards activities that serve the camgirl. This evolution reflects a deepening of the relationship, where the exchange transcends transactional interactions and moves into a more personal and relational dynamic.</div><h1>Exiting Camming</h1><div>The question of engagement in camming must be considered in relation to possible disengagement. Several reasons can explain why individuals disengage from camming.</div><h1>Temporary or Permanent Exits</h1><div>Exits occur for various reasons along a continuum from ‘getting tired’ of consuming this type of pornography to more material reasons. Common reasons include:</div><ul><div> </div><li><b>Feeling that all possibilities have been explored</b>, especially in terms of sexual scripts, particularly for those who use camming as a masturbatory aid. They may return to it or exit permanently, but for these individuals, the emotional connection to camming is very limited.</li><div> </div><li><b>Lack of Money</b></li><div> </div><li><b>Lack of space</b>: Needing a private place to watch cam shows (complicated to access on a phone); for instance, some respondents only use it during the day (at the office), in the evening when children and spouse are asleep, or every other week (shared custody).</li><div> </div><li><b>Lack of time</b></li><div> </div><li><b>Entering into a relationship</b>: Exciting camming after entering into a relationship mainly occurs among those who viewed camming as a masturbatory relationship, resonating with the generally male relationship with masturbation (Béjin 1993; Laqueur 2003), i.e. a decrease in frequency when in a relationship (masturbation then often seen as a substitute for the couple’s sexuality). However, entering into a relationship does not necessarily lead to an exit, as some respondents who entered relationships while they were viewers did not stop (though sometimes they hide it from their partner or it is incorporated into the couple’s sexuality).</li><div> </div></ul><h1>Desire to Distance From the Sexual Dimension</h1><div>Some respondents report stopping camming while continuing to interact with camgirls and visit the sites, but not for ‘sexual’ purposes. These are individuals who have become friends, who moderate shows, but claim they no longer watch them.</div><div>Exits can be more or less easy, depending on:</div><ul><div> </div><li><b>Attachment to the role of spectator/consumer</b></li><div> </div><li><b>Benefits derived from the role</b></li><div> </div><li><b>Multiplicity of social roles and potential conflicts</b>, especially for those in relationships, who risk being discovered by their partners.</li><div> </div></ul><div>As Ebaugh (1988) indicates, disengagement is not a simple mirror image of engagement. The dynamics of disengagement are more complex than the logic of learning, as time has induced modifications in the individual, making camming imprint certain changes (affective, sexual, etc.).</div><div>Therefore, we see forms of disinvestment from an acquired role throughout the socialisation process (as a client) to invest in another – moving towards more real-life sexual forms (with a partner, signing up on dating sites, friendship with the camgirl). Some then become ‘ex’-clients (even if they are not always seen as such by the camgirls). The question of clients becoming something other than clients is omnipresent in the field of prostitution and sex work. For instance, Lévy and Lieber (2009) note that some Chinese prostitutes in Belleville view entering sex work as a way to improve their situation, notably for naturalisation purposes. We did not encounter in the other part of the survey of camgirls (Brasseur and Finez, 2020) camgirls who declare having a partner who was a former client, which can partly be explained as shown in the article that it is more of a middle-class sex work (Bernstein 2009, 2007), despite the precarious status.</div><div>This change not only requires the subject concerned to be able to experience rejection, disapproval, and a lack of identification caused by leaving a position but also involves a process – both individual and collective – of identity reconstruction, necessary to move beyond role conflict. These turning points or points of disengagement often take the form of creating a new role (friend, moderator, etc.), and involve seeking alternative paths (exiting the site, no longer contacting the camgirl via the site but through a private number or on Twitter), or trajectory changes (switching platforms – like Onlyfans – unsubscribing – and possibly resubscribing later; unsubscribing because too much time is spent online at the expense of potential real-life encounters.).</div><div>Methodologically, understanding the exit from camming is challenging and would benefit from a longitudinal approach and reinterviewing individuals previously interviewed: this is a step considered by the research team but poses real challenges, especially since some individuals no longer have active profiles on the internet.</div><div> </div><h1>Conclusion</h1><div>This study has endeavoured to elucidate the trajectories of cam site viewers by examining their social profiles, focusing on how socio-economic factors influence their engagement and disengagement with camming platforms<cite class="ltx_cite raw v1">\cite{Schor_2017}</cite>. Our analysis identified key turning points in the viewer’s journey, demonstrating that class – manifested through variables such as income level and professional background – plays a pivotal role in shaping the camming experience. This is particularly evident in the emotional turning points where viewers distance themselves from the commercial aspects of their interactions and form deeper, albeit non-commercial, connections with camgirls.</div><div>Furthermore, our findings suggest the need for a more nuanced understanding of the socio-economic dimensions influencing engagement in sex work. We propose that considerations such as income level, relational status, and professional constraints are crucial for comprehending both the amount of time and money viewers are willing to invest in camming activities. This research highlights that viewers with limited financial resources often engage in non-monetary forms of investment, compensating for their lack of funds with time or other resources, which facilitates a sustained engagement with cam platforms.</div><div>Additionally, this study contributes to the broader discourse on digital sociability and sexual consumption. Unlike traditional views that categorise sex camming strictly as pornography, our analysis positions it at the intersection of entertainment, cultural expressions, and social interaction. This multifaceted perspective aligns with Trachman’s (2012) insights on pornography industry actors, suggesting that camming, much like mainstream pornography, involves complex performances that transcend simple sexual exchanges.</div><div>In closing, our research underscores the importance of adopting a multidimensional approach in the sociology of sex work, one that incorporates the intricate ways in which social class and personal circumstances dictate the dynamics of digital and sexual interactions. Future studies should aim to explore these dynamics through longitudinal designs to capture the evolving nature of viewer engagement and disengagement, providing deeper insights into the personal and social transformations influenced by the world of sex camming.</div><div><a href="#_ftnref1"><sup><sup>[1]</sup></sup></a> In 1970, 21% of 90-year-old men reported having their first sexual encounter with a prostitute. By the time they reached 70 years old, this percentage dropped to 6%, and among those aged 40-50 years, only 2% had their sexual initiation with a prostitute. Below the age of 40, this practice has become exceptional. Previously, these behaviors were primarily characteristic of men from privileged social backgrounds with early sexual experiences. Now, clients tend to have a relatively later sexual initiation or struggle to find a partner. The more contemporary practice has hardly changed: in 1992, 3.2% of men had resorted to prostitution; the percentage remains at 3.2% today. These clients are also more likely to be single, come from all social backgrounds, and mostly live in large urban areas. (Bajos et al. 2008)</div><div><a href="#_ftnref2"><sup><sup>[2]</sup></sup></a> </div>